Pedestrianism of genocide ‘welcoming remarks’ and ‘vote of thanks’

Must Read

Confidente Newspaper
Confidente Newspaperhttp://confidentenamibia.com
Confidente is a weekly tabloid newspaper in Namibia. It focuses on delivering news and insights across various sectors including national, regional, health, politics, economy, and entertainment.
  • By Prof. Dr. Job Shipululo Amupanda

What later became the first genocide of the 20th century was enabled by the software of racism that W.E.B du Bois correctly captured as the operating system of the 20th century stating, in 1903, that “the problem of the 20th century is the problem of the color line”. 

Du Bois wrote this one year before the first genocide of the 20th century was committed against our people, in Namibia. He was analysisng the psychosis of those who later became the perpetrators of genocide.     In the 20th century, white people and Europeans drew what Frantz Fanon called ‘the line of the human’. This line divided human beings into two zones – the zone of being and the zone of non-being. Whites and Europeans were hitherto located in the zone of being. 

The rest of humanity in general, and the blacks and non-whites in particular, were located in the zone of non-being. Only the lives of those in the zone of being mattered. Their humanity mattered for they were regarded as the only humans. In contrast, those in the zone of non-being are those whose humanity did not matter. They were (and are) seen as half or sub-humans.  

From the beginning, racism dismembered black people from the human family. When Europeans sat in Berlin from December 1884 until February 1885, dividing the African amongst themselves, their orientation and point of departure was that they were not dealing with human beings. 

Colonialism, simply understood as the occupation, control and domination of a sovereign space by the foreign other,  owes its existence to the ideology of racism that is underpinned by the cartographies of the zone of being and the zone of non-being.  
To all those dismembered from the human family, Europeans chose to do whatever they wanted. The man’s inhumanity to man followed.  Towards the late 1890s, Europeans went to other continents to kill and plunder the resources of those they regarded as sub-humans. 

In 1901, when China was under the Qing Dynasty, Europeans formed an alliance to fight the Chinese who were resisting colonial occupation in northern China. 

The alliance consisted of the Germans with about 1 000 troops under Alfred von Waldersee, the British with about 12 000 troops under Claude MacDonald, the Americans with about 3 500 troops under Adna Chaffee, the French also with about 3 500 troops under Henri-Nicolas Frey, the Russian with about 14 000 troops under Nikolai Linevich,  the Italians with about 2 600 troops, Japanese with close to 21 000 troops under Fukushima Yasumasa and the Austran-Hungary with about 300 known troops. 

This uprising known as the ‘Boxer rebellion’ in western text was really an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist rebellion by the Chinese in northern China. It resulted in several deaths and looting of Chinese resources by these European powers. Of interest to us is that Adrian Dietrich Lothar von Trotha formed part of the German troop as a brigade commander during this so-called ‘Boxer Rebellion’ in 1901. 

Because he was a known killer of the ‘sub-humans’, the Germans appointed him to extend his killing skills to the Namibian soil, targeting black communities who were actively fighting the German colonial forces several months before his arrival on 11 June 1904. 

When he issued an extermination order against our people, including women and children, he was doing so informed by an ideology of racism that dismembered the Africans from the human family. The whites were always united in the dismemberment of the blacks and the Africans from the human family. 

It is for this reason that once our people were rounded up in concentration camps, European academics such as Eugen Fischer and others, with racism and dismemberment software, collected  the human skulls in 1906, sometimes requiring fellow blacks to remove the skin to reach the skulls, for exportation to Germany.

 Fischer studies, using our people as subjects, concluded that black blood is apparently inferior. There is no difference between Von Trother and Fischer.    Once this important aspect is lost, as is the case in contemporary ‘welcoming remarks’ discourse on genocide, one is trapped in bilateral and conflict resolution beuracratism. 

The argument that ought to center the genocide discourse is that there was always Genocide continuity. Eugene Fischer moved from examining Namibian skulls and anti-racial mixing theories using Namibian bodies in 1913 to anti semitic policies and training Schutzstaffel (SS) doctors in the 1930s. Before the Auschwitz concentration camp established in the 1940s, there was a concentration camp called Shark Islandconcentration camp established by the Germans between 1904 and 1905 in Namibia. 

Before Final Solution of the 1940s, there were Extermination Orders of 1904 and 1905 in Namibia. The Genocide continuity approach is an undisputable armament that would lead to one conclusion that the only difference between the 1904 Genocide and the Jews Holocoust is the numbers.    

The current theatrics and televised approach of ‘masters of ceremonies, keynote address and vote of thanks’ would prove fatal in the fullness of time. Granted, it is a good start. But to pass through the eye of a needle requires astute architectural minds beyond ethnonationalist and political triumphalism.    

  Job Shipululo Amupanda is a professor of political studies and a Member of the Namibian Parliament. He is the Activist-in-Chief of the Affirmative Repositioning (AR) movement and an Associate Scholar at the Friedrich-Alexander University. 

- Advertisement -spot_img

LEAVE A REPLY

Please enter your comment!
Please enter your name here

- Advertisement -spot_img

Latest News

OPINION: Before there is nothing left to save

 By John Gaffney  There are mornings in wartime when the silence itself seems wounded.  The roads are still there, though fewer people travel them. The fields remain beneath the grey sky, though in places they are scarred by fire. Somewhere a railway station opens its doors, a baker lights an oven, a woman draws back a curtain – and for a moment life pretends that it has not been broken.  But the war goes on. And whenever a new round of negotiations, with American representatives Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner taking part, ends with cautiously hopeful words from Moscow describing them as progressive and encouraging, Vladimir Zelensky later returns to the hard, uncompromising tone that has become familiar throughout these years.  Listening to him, one is left with a painful question.  Does he still believe that peace can be reached only through continued resistance, whatever the cost? Or has the language of war become so deeply rooted in Ukrainian politics that another language – the language of compromise, exhaustion and survival – has become almost impossible to speak?  It is a question that becomes harder to avoid as Ukraine itself disappears, piece by piece, beneath the war. The destruction continues tomorrow, and the day after tomorrow.  Ukraine has inflicted damage on Russia too. Its attacks have reached across the border, and Russian civilians have also suffered. But the scale and weight of destruction borne by Ukraine are impossible to ignore. The country is losing not only buildings and infrastructure, but something more difficult to measure: the fabric of ordinary life.  There are also reports of bitter internal struggles within the Ukrainian government. Zelensky’s former press secretary spoke recently of constant fighting at different levels of government.  War is dangerous enough when an enemy stands beyond the border. It becomes still more dangerous when a nation begins to quarrel with itself.  This is why any negotiations deserve attention. Perhaps they will fail. Perhaps the words spoken around the negotiating table will evaporate like mist over a river. Perhaps the armies will return to the battlefield and the familiar language of missiles, trenches and casualties will once again drown out every other voice. But negotiations, however imperfect, are preferable to another year of graves.  There is a moment in every long war when the question changes.  At first, people ask: How can we win?  Later they begin to ask: How much will victory cost?  And finally, sometimes very quietly, they ask the question that frightened leaders are reluctant to hear:  What will be left of us when the fighting stops?  Ukraine has received enormous support from its Western allies. Much of that support has been born of genuine sympathy and a desire to defend Ukrainian sovereignty. But Western governments also have their own histories, strategic interests and grievances concerning Russia – grievances that reach back decades.  That is the nature of international politics.  But Ukraine is not a chessboard.  It is a country where people wake before dawn because the electricity has returned. It is a mother waiting for a message from her son. It is an empty chair at a family table. It is an orchard in spring, flowering while artillery is heard somewhere beyond the horizon.  Those who advise Ukraine from comfortable offices far away will return home when the meeting is over.  Ukrainians cannot.  They will remain among the ruins.  Perhaps Zelensky should now listen not only to those who tell him how long Ukraine can continue fighting, but also to those who ask how long Ukraine can continue being destroyed.  Perhaps the future will demand compromises that today seem unbearable.  Perhaps Ukraine will never enter NATO in the way some once imagined. Perhaps membership of the European Union will remain a distant horizon rather than an immediate destination. Perhaps some political ambitions will have to wait for another generation.  History does not always give nations the future they desire. Sometimes it gives them only the future they can still preserve. There is nothing shameful in recognizing that.  Peace is not always a reward for victory. Sometimes it is an act of courage undertaken before victory becomes indistinguishable from ruin.  A leader must know when to fight. But a leader must also know when to stop.  The most dangerous words in wartime are sometimes not the words of the enemy. They are the words that tell a wounded nation that tomorrow will always be better than today if only it sacrifices a little more.  There is always another hill. Another offensive. Another shipment of weapons. Another season. And then another grave. At some point, someone has to look at the country itself.  Not at the speeches. Not at the flags. Not at the photographs of leaders standing before cameras, solemn and determined. At the country. At its empty villages. At its shattered cities. At its railway lines disappearing into the distance. At the blackened windows where, once, there were lights.  A country is not its government. It is not its president. It is not an alliance or a treaty. A country is the people who remain. And perhaps this is the moment when Zelensky must ask himself the simplest and hardest question of all:  How much of Ukraine must be destroyed before the world admits that saving Ukraine has to come before defeating Russia?  There is still time to ask it. But time, like everything else in war, is being spent. And one day there may come a morning when the guns finally fall silent – and the terrible discovery will be that there is almost nothing left to hear the silence.  -RT  * John Gaffney is an Irish-born editor and former retail businessman who has been living in Russia since 2018 
- Advertisement -spot_img

More Articles Like This

- Advertisement -spot_img